Serbia : How Far Will the Students Go ?

On November 1st, the awning of the Novi Sad train station, the second-largest city in Serbia, collapsed, killing 15 people, despite having undergone renovations by a Chinese state-owned company two years earlier. Since then, an unprecedented anti-corruption protest movement led by students has shaken the power of President Aleksandar Vučić, even leading to the resignation of Prime Minister Miloš Vučević, the former mayor of the city. Students from all over the country, organized horizontally are demanding the end of corruption and the Vučić system. Interview with Filip Balunović, a doctor in political science and sociology and associate researcher at the Institute of Philosophy and Social Theory at the University of Belgrade.

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Why is this mobilization unprecedented ?

“The primary reason for the significance of this mobilization is its nationwide spread. What began in Serbia’s two largest cities, Belgrade and Novi Sad, has now extended to smaller towns and even villages. On February 15th, students from across Serbia marched to Kragujevac. The last protest was scheduled for March 1st, with students once again traveling from Belgrade and Novi Sad in the north, to Niš in the south - some on foot, others by bicycle. In many ways, their actions represent a 21st-century, generation Z adaptation of a door-to-door campaign, not in the traditional electoral sense, but as a grassroots effort to raise awareness and inform people about the significance of their movement and the scale of their sacrifice. These students are willing to put aside their daily routines and academic commitments, and after four months of sustained protest, it is unlikely they will abandon their cause easily.”

We can see that protests have been multiplying in recent years in Serbia, particularly against the Jadar lithium mine. Are environmental activists involved in this movement ?

“Yes, these protests preceded the student movement, serving as a bridge to establish a minimal common ideological ground across the country. They expressed broad opposition not only to Rio Tinto’s plans but also to the political and economic interests of both domestic and foreign elites, overall. Initially, this consensus extended widely across Serbia, encompassing voices from both the left and right. The environmental protests successfully halted the implementation plans of the company, as well as those of the Serbian and German governments, the latter of which is awaiting lithium for its green transition. This movement demonstrates a form of intersectionality, as it has brought together people from rural areas, suburban communities, and the city of Loznica, located in the Jadar Valley. Many of them have also joined the student protests, some even arriving with tractors.”

“This is perhaps the most widespread youth-led movement we have seen, a ‘semi-revolutionary attempt.’”

Can Aleksandar Vučić and his corrupted system overthrow ?

“The current atmosphere is not centered on regime change alone but rather on a fundamental reset of a system built on flawed foundations. The younger generations have grown up witnessing the degradation of society firsthand, having spent their entire lives under the rule of Aleksandar Vučić. For them, Vučić’s political background and his role in the wars of the 1990s are secondary concerns. What drives their mobilization is the immediate reality they experience – a reality they find unacceptable. This is perhaps the most widespread youth-led movement we have seen, one that I optimistically describe as a ‘semi-revolutionary attempt.’ It has garnered support from diverse sectors of society, including university professors, agricultural workers, and medical professionals.”

“Vučić has structured governance in a way that makes legal removal nearly impossible”

How the Vučić system is working ?

“Vučić is deeply entrenched in both domestic and international networks of influence. So far, no individuals, organizations, or specific interest groups have withdrawn their support for him. He strategically places loyal and trusted figures in key positions within the judiciary, ensuring that the system remains under his control. Over the past 13 years, autocratic rule has been gradually consolidated, and while we are now witnessing high-profile arrests for corruption - including individuals once close to the ruling party – this appears to be little more than a façade to create the illusion of a government committed to fighting corruption. Through media domination, judicial control, and the erosion of parliamentary institutions, Vučić has structured governance in a way that makes legal removal nearly impossible. His political skill lies in his ability to intertwine diverse interests, positioning himself as the central broker not only among his political allies but also within semi-legal and illicit business networks operating in Serbia and beyond. It’s clear that he will not step down easily or peacefully.”

What are the differences with the “Otpor” (Resistance) movement that brought down Milošević’s regime in the 1990s ?

“Today, Vučić maintains absolute control over every municipality in the country. unlike in the 1990s, when the student movement had the backing of opposition parties that were more trusted than today’s fragmented opposition. The current student protesters are making a conscious effort to distance themselves from political parties. This is largely due to the opposition’s lack of credibility, stemming from internal divisions, incompetence, and relentless government propaganda against them. Despite these challenges, students have managed to establish direct communication with citizens – something opposition parties have largely failed to achieve over the past decade.”

Why does European Union remains silent ?

“In the late 1990s, the entire opposition to Milošević was not only backed by the West but also supported by influential economic and political figures within Serbia. Today, the international community continues to sustain Vučić’s rule, as nearly every major European country has vested economic interests in Serbia. France, for instance, has secured control over Belgrade’s airport, while Germany anticipates access to Serbian lithium for its green transition. It still appears that the wealthiest elites and oligarchic structures in Europe, with sufficient financial leverage, keep extracting profits, at the expense of the public interest in Serbia. If Vučić falls, this time it would thus be purely the raw energy of the Serbian people, without any foreign assistance, whatsoever.”

“In my view, the crucial question concerns the next step – what follows the student movement ?”

What the protesters think about that ?

“One clear indication of this shift is the absence of European Union flags at the protests, which stands in stark contrast to the demonstrations in Georgia, for example. This reflects widespread disillusionment with the EU, particularly regarding its treatment of Serbian civil society. In reality, the European Union is not a central theme – neither in these protests nor in Serbia’s broader political discourse. EU integration has largely become an empty phrase, devoid of tangible meaning for the average Serbian citizen.”

For now, the protesters seem to reject any political appropriation by the traditional parties. Can it last ? What strategy for the future ?

“In my view, the crucial question concerns the next step – what follows the student movement ? Ultimately, someone will need to step forward, win elections, and rebuild public trust from the ground up to secure the mandate for the radical systemic changes that students are demanding. Will this actor emerge from the student movement itself, or will it be a coalition of students, university professors, and high school educators ? So far, the second step remains unclear. The movement is raising public expectations and expanding the space for political engagement. They do not seem willing to stop until they have exhausted all the potential, they have created for themselves. At every faculty, self-organized student groups called ‘Day After’ have been formed to address what comes next when the protests inevitably subside. Their discussions primarily revolve around institutionalizing plenums within universities. Even the realization of such an idea would mark an extraordinary achievement, unprecedented in Europe.”

Cet entretien est également disponible en français, langue dans laquelle il a été publié sur papier dans le n°239 du mensuel « CQFD ».